|
On National Socialism and World Relations: Hitler’s Address to the German Reichstag, 30 January 1937 Part II
…I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German labor that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Mr. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade.
I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left the League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of all Peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation.
I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. The contrary is the truth. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up.
Mr. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact.
It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself.
The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevik (Neo-Con) doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations.
Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevik (Neo-Con) demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolsheviks (Neo-Cons) in Moscow (America) have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defense of our own civilization but in defense of European civilization as a whole.
In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevik (Neo-Con) field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow (America), whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again:
The teaching of Bolshevism (Neo-conservatism) is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. If other nations want to be on good terms with this peril, that does not affect Germany's position. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points:
We (Middle East and others) look on Bolshevism (Neo-conservatism) as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.
We use every means in our power to keep this peril away from our people.
And we are trying to make the German (Middle Eastern and sympathizing) people immune to this peril as far as possible.
It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself.
I consider Bolshevism (Neo-conservatism) the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers, and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevik Russia (Neo-Con America) would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevik (Neo-con) State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom.
I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of Nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. No, I don't believe that. Mr. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action.
There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless.
Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that.
Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected. In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments.
The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Mr. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others.
Mr. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their defense. I do not know whether and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think, however, that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. It is quite clear that the measure of a country's defensive armament should be in proportion to the dangers which threaten that country. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the defense of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin.
I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering. Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. An attempt has been made to connect Germany's sympathy for Nationalist Spain with some sort of colonial claims. Germany makes no colonial claims against countries which have taken no colonies from her. Further, Germany herself has suffered so much under the tribulations of Bolshevism that she will not exploit the same tribulations in another nation in order to take something from another people in their time of weakness, or to extort something from them for the future. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain.
But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account:
During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship, however, must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases.
For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose of regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. If it is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future.
But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other. The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realizes that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice.
The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable.
First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power?
And when were these natives ever asked if they had been contented with the Power that formerly ruled them?
Second: It is stated that the colonies were not administered properly by the Germans.
Now, Germany had these colonies only for a few decades. Great sacrifices were made in building them up and they were in a process of development which would have led to quite different results than in 1914. But anyhow the colonies had been so developed by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us.
Third: It is said that they are of no real value.
If that is the case then they can be of no value to other States also. And so it is difficult to see why they deny them to us.
Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase in our exports. Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward again and again.
In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended outside Europe.
It is in the interests of all nations that the individual countries shall possess internally stable and orderly political and economic conditions. They are the most important conditions for lasting and solid economic and political relations between the peoples.
The vital interests of the different peoples must be frankly recognized. Mutual respect for these vital interests alone can lead to the appeasement of the essential needs of the nations.
The League of Nations, to be effective, must be reformed, and must become an organ of the evolutionary concept, and must not remain an organ of inactivity.
The relations of the people towards one another can only be regulated and solved on a basis of mutual respect and absolute equality.
It is impossible to make one nation or another responsible for armaments or for limitation of armaments, but it is necessary to see this problem as it really is.
It is impossible to maintain peace among the nations so long as an international irresponsible clique can continue their agitation unchecked.
A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers (American Neo-Cons and macroelitist sympathizers) spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually followed.
I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary situation immediately. Supposing another case arose in which it turned out impossible to establish the truth so readily, what then would happen?
It has been proved that European problems can be solved properly only within certain limits. Germany is hoping to have close and friendly relations with Italy. May we succeed in paving the way for such relations with other European countries. The German Reich will watch over its security and honor with its strong army. On the other hand, convinced that there can be no greater treasure for Europe than peace, it will always be a reasonable supporter of those European ideals of peace and will be always conscious of its responsibilities.
It will be profitable to European peace as a whole if mutual consideration be always shown for the justified feeling of national honor among those nationalities who are forced to live as a minority within other nations.
This would lead to a decisive lessening of tension between the nations who are forced to live side by side, and whose State frontiers are not identical with the ethnical frontiers.
In concluding these remarks I should like to deal with the document which the British Government addressed to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland.
I should like first to state that we believe and are convinced that the British Government at that time did everything to avoid an increase of tension in the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its origin entirely to the desire to make a contribution towards disentangling the situation of those days.
Nevertheless, it was not possible for the German Government, for reasons which the Government of Great Britain will appreciate, to reply to those questions.
We preferred to settle some of those questions in the most natural way by the practical building up of our relations with our neighbors; and I should like to state that, complete German sovereignty and equality having now been restored, Germany will never sign a treaty which is in any way incompatible with her honor; with the honor of the nation and of the Government which represents it; or which otherwise is incompatible with Germany's vital interests and therefore in the long run cannot be kept.
I believe that this statement will be understood by all. Moreover, with all my heart I hope that the intelligence and goodwill of responsible European Governments will succeed, despite all opposition, in preserving peace for Europe. Peace is our dearest treasure.
Whatever contributions Germany can make towards preserving it, these she will make.
Before concluding my address today I should like to give a short sketch of the tasks that lie ahead of us.
In the carrying out of the Four Years Plan lies our first task. It will call for gigantic efforts but eventually it will turn out a great blessing for our people. Its purpose is to strengthen our national economic system in all its branches. The execution of it is guaranteed. All those great works which have been started apart from this plan will be continued. Their purpose is to promote the health of the nation and make life more pleasant. Building extensions will be systematically carried out in some of our large cities, as an externalization of the spirit that actuates this great epoch of the resurrection of our people. The foremost task will be the reconfiguration of Berlin into a real and true capital of the German Reich. Therefore, just as I have previously done for the construction of our roads, I have today appointed a General Building Inspector for Berlin, who shall be in charge of the architectural remodeling of the Reich's capital city and of bringing order to the chaos of Berlin's city planning to date. And that order will be based on such spacious plans as will be worthy of the National Socialist Movement and also of the German metropolis. We have allotted a period of twenty years for the carrying out of this plan.
May the Almighty God grant us a time of peace in which to bring this gigantic work to completion. Parallel therewith, the Capital of the Movement (Munich), the Party Metropolis (Nuremberg), and the Free City of Hamburg will be remodeled and extended on large lines. [emphasis added]
But this work will only be the counterpart of a general cultural development which we wish to see taking place in Germany, as the crowning achievement to the restoration of our internal and external freedom.
And, finally, it will be one of our future tasks to give the German people a Constitution which will be in harmony with the real life of our people, as that life has developed politically. This Constitution will place its seal on this life for all time to come and will be an imperishable and fundamental law for all Germans. [emphasis added]
As I look back on the great work that has been done during the past four years you will understand quite well that my first feeling is simply one of thankfulness to our Almighty God for having allowed me to bring this work to success. He has blessed our labors and has enabled our people to come through all the obstacles which encompassed them on their way. [emphasis added]
I have had three extraordinary friends in my life. In my youth it was Poverty, which was my companion for many years. When the Great War came to a close it was the profound anguish that I felt over the downfall of our people. This anguish seized me and determined the path I had to follow. Since January 30th four years ago I have made the acquaintance of the third friend - anxiety for the people and the Reich, which have been entrusted to my guidance. From that time this anxiety has never left my side and will probably remain a faithful companion until the end of my days. But how could a man bear the burden of this anxiety were it not for the faith he has in his mission and which enables him to trust that He who is above us all sanctions my work. Destiny has often decreed that men who have a special mission to fulfill must be lonely and deserted. But here I wish to return thanks to Providence for having given me a group of faithful comrades who linked their lives with mine and have ever since fought at my side for the resurrection of our people. It is a great happiness for me that I did not have to walk among the German people as a man alone, but that at my side there was always a group of men whose names will endure in the history of Germany.
At this point I wish to thank my old fighting comrades who have stood by my side throughout all these years and who give me their help today either as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter, Gauleiter, or in other positions under the Party or the State. During these days a tragedy is being enacted in Moscow which shows how highly we ought to value that loyalty which binds the leaders of a nation to one another. I further wish to express my sincere gratitude to all those who did not belong to the ranks of the Party but who in these recent years have been loyal assistants and comrades in governmental work and in other work for the nation. All of them belong to us, even though they may not wear the external insignia of our party community. I thank all those men and women who have assisted in building up our party organizations and working in them with success. But above all I have to thank the chiefs of our armed forces. They have enabled us to provide the National Socialist State with a National Socialist defense force, without placing any difficulties whatsoever in the way. Thus the Party and the defense forces are now the guarantors sworn to devote themselves to the preservation of our national existence.
But we know that all our efforts would have been in vain if we did not have the loyal cooperation of hundreds of thousands of political leaders, innumerable officials and countless soldiers and officers, who did their work under the inspiration of the ideal of our national resurgence. And above all we must acknowledge that our success could not have been attained if we were not backed up by the united front of the whole people.
“On this historic occasion I must once again thank all those millions of unknown Germans, from every class and caste, profession and trade and from all the farmsteads, who have given their hearts, their lives and their sacrifices, for the new Reich. And all of us, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, hereby join together in tendering our thanks to the women of Germany, to the millions of those German mothers who have given their children to the Third Reich. During these four years every mother who has presented a child to the nation has contributed by her pain and her joy to the happiness of the whole people. When I think of that healthy youth which belongs to our nation, then my faith in the future becomes a joyful certainty. And it is with a profound feeling that I realize the significance of the simple word which Ulrich von Hütten wrote when he picked up his pen for the last time - Deutschland.” [emphasis added]
“I want peace - and I will do everything in my power to make peace. As yet it's not too late. I will go to the very limits of the possible, as far as the sacrifices and the dignity of the German nation permit it. I can think of better things than war! When I only so much as think about the loss of German blood - the ones who die in war are always the best, the bravest, the ones most willing to make sacrifices, the ones whose duty it would be to embody and to lead the nation. I have no need to make a name for myself through war, like Churchill does. The name I want to make for myself is that of the steward of the German people; I want to secure my people's unity and living space, to put national Socialism into effect, and to bring order to its environment.” - Quoted from Giesler Ein anderer Hitler, p. 395.
“In our air raids on Paris we confined ourselves to attacking the surrounding air fields in order to spare that ancient city of culture... and it would have pained me to have to attack a city like Laon, with its Cathedral.” - Quoted in Monologe im Führerhauptquartier 1941-1944, edited by Werner Jochmann, p. 93.
“We do not want to achieve anything for ourselves, only for Germany; for we are mortal, but Germany must live.” - Quoted in Manfred Roeder, Deutscher Jahrweiser 2000, p. 103.
This incredible Hitler address and these Hitler quotes are all courtesy of the efforts of The Scriptorium and/or the great work of the late A.P. Laurie.
Hitler was one of the single most incredible and well-spoken statesmen of the twentieth century. He was brutally honest, extremely well-read, up-to-date on both foreign and domestic affairs, and veiled nothing from the site of the world or his people. The Jews of his day had everyone believing otherwise, accusing him of wanting to “take over the world,” and other such ludicrously absurd nonsense.
They failed to understand his policies that imbued his laborers with intrinsic value. They failed to believe that he wanted peace and prosperity for all of his neighboring Europeans. They failed to accept his Christian value system that would have spread to all other nations of the world who also sought peace, freedom, intrinsic human worth, and an efficient, caring government of the people, by the people, for the people. Hitler was so unique, so incredible, and so intelligent; it is impossible to place a numerical value on how much he had done for his nation, and furthermore, the entire continent of Europe.
America and her sympathizers were too preoccupied with greed-ridden capitalist globalism to take heed of God’s warning to the West via Adolf Hitler. Hitler certainly plays a prophetic, if not biblical, role in human history. America, instead of aligning itself with a true Christian nation that valued human life and labor above all else, chose instead to align itself with one of the single most ungodly, satanic, hate-filled, greed-ridden, sadistic empires in human history; the Soviet Union. The Russians had been mass murdered year after year, but did the Americans and other Allies take notice of this bestial beyond-human cruelty on a then unprecedented scale? No, they did not. In fact, they supported it, armed it, and died for it.
Today, Americans find themselves in the same boat of wickedness. We are supporting, arming, and defending terrorists once again. The American and Chinese leaders are by far more vicious, threatening, dangerous, and destructive to the peaceful world order than most any other nation in the world today. Mao’s godless regime was responsible for as many as 70 million Chinese deaths. The current satanic regime is harvesting organs, murdering babies and children en masse, torturing and imprisoning innocent Chinese citizens, taking away the lives and properties of its people, polluting the entire Chinese continent in the name of godless-capitalist greed, and regulating the Internet so that Chinese people are completely isolated from the world around them. America’s leaders are poisoning the world with depleted uranium.
Is this the world model to which we should aspire? Christians had better stand their ground, because the UK, Canada, many parts of Europe, and America are already on their way to becoming totalitarian regimes. We have got to fight this relentlessly, unless you want to have to carry an ID card, be tracked by George Bush and Chertoff, have your eyes scanned to buy a loaf of bread, and register to have a child. Take action like Hitler did. Do you not see why he had to do what he did? The NWO is hostile and vicious… it must be opposed with utter steadfastness, supported by Christian principles… at least in the West.
Islam and Christianity must learn to co-exist, as we share a common oppressor who will destroy and murder us all. Muslims and Christians fought and died on the battleground together during WWII… never forget that. Do not allow the “wire-pullers” to deceive you by encouraging racial and religious tensions amongst us… as they deliberately aim to exacerbate the racial issue. God’s Army is above that pettiness. Do not sink to the level of Jewry, for they have become “the scum of humanity” [Adolf Hitler’s very words from Mein Kampf]. Don’t forget, Jesus never said anything against Islam or Muhammed… He only spoke against Jewry. He called them, “The Children of the devil.”
|